jueves, 26 de marzo de 2009

Rock Bottom Mining: Unemployment and Crisis in Peru

Rock Bottom Mining: Unemployment and Crisis in Peru Print E-mail
Written by Irene Arce Claux , Translation by Matt Schwartz   
Wednesday, 25 March 2009
ImageThe mining bubble in Perú has popped. With world demand at it's lowest, international metal prices have cascaded and as of November 2008 more than 8 thousand mining workers have joined the ranks of the unemployed[i].

In November of 2007, Minister of Economy and Finance, Luis Carranza maintained that the "extraordinary trend of high mineral prices… could last 10, 15 or 20 years"[ii]. He went on to affirm that the world was headed for a long period of economic growth.

He calculated wrong.

Wall Street came apart at the hinges, thousands of people were left homeless and jobless throughout the United States and Europe, the banks broke down and the automobile giants crashed. Between January 2008 and January of 2009 the Peruvian stock market lost two thirds of it's worth.

On the international scale, copper, which quoted at $4 US a pound in June of 2008, is now hovering around $1[iii]. Zinc, which at the end of 2006 maxed at $2 a pound, is currently at $.50[iv]. Lead has endured the same fate. Silver, tin and molybdenum, an element used to fortify steel, have also fallen. The only metal to maintain it's high price is gold, which is protected as a store of value.

Since the final months of 2008, the ill fated succession of financial and corporate collapses has left an almost comical impression in the grimacing faces of the stock market operators: strapped to their seats, begging with desperate hands to the heavens, pleading through gritted teeth and hair pulling torment; executives left in tears and bankers returned home defeated.

The underbelly of this drama, the shadow side of the great despair of the world's financiers and businessmen is found amongst the eleven million unemployed in the United States alone[v]. The tidal wave of recent unemployment is beginning to swell as far as Perú, amongst the workers in the mining, textile and agricultural export industries. The National Society of Industries has calculated that 300,000 people will lose their jobs in 2009[vi].

Out the Door

In the Peruvian mining sector, 8,000 unemployed workers form part of a labor force that at it's peak in 2008, was approximately 130,000 workers strong[vii]. Two thirds of these workers are not on the mining corporations direct payroll. Instead they are outsourced, contracted by the mining corporations through specialized companies. The laxity of these contracts disempowers the workers and the company's refusal to renew them is feeding the growing masses of unemployed.

"The companies take a very simple stance: if you want to lower costs to maintain a certain level of competitiveness, draw from the labor sector, it is the weakest link in the chain of production", points out Felipe Vargas, Economic Advisor for the National Federation of Miners, Metalworkers and Steelworkers of Perú. (FNTMMSP) [viii].

The Mining Federation is reporting the non-renewal of these fixed term contracts as "layoffs", even though technically they aren't. In accordance with the law, a company has the right not to renew a contract with an employee, once that contract has expired. However, the growing number of fired miners –call them "laid off" or not- clearly reveals an economic deceleration in the mining sector.

"Today, the companies are protecting themselves for the period of 2009-2012… and we are already seeing the problems. The principal consumers are the automobile and household appliance manufacturers in China and now that they have no more orders for new products, they won't be seeking more minerals. The operations programmed for the mines will be cancelled… and they are going to stop contracting those who have seasonal or flexible contracts, explained Limberg Chero, Economist for the Labor Program for Development (PLADES)[ix].

A mining crisis isn't like there is a shrinking demand for tropical Amazon fish. It's the opposite. Mining activity is central to the Peruvian economy: minerals made up 60% of the worth of all of the country's exports in 2008[x]. The most grave indicator of this situation lies in the estimation that during the first trimester of 2009 there will be a 30-40% decrease in purchase orders, and in the case of copper, demand will drop by 80%[xi].

Take for example the shares of Southern Copper, quoted in the New York Stock Exchange at almost $100 at the beginning of 2008, now does not even reach $15. A similar case is that of BuenaAventura, whose shares have fallen by two thirds in the last year on Wall Street.

If we can hear the soft crying echo through the halls of the rich, then surely the lair of the miners is drowning in a flood of tears. Congresswoman María Sumire tells the story: "It was just yesterday that the wife of a miner was sobbing to me, 'In Cerro de Pasco they are firing. And they don't say why'. One day her husband went to work, they shut the door before him and a guard told him 'do not enter, do not enter'. There were 100 other workers standing there without any explanation given to them. They were told to run to go collect their checks"[xii].

Similar cases are unfolding amongst the most important mines in Perú. Since the closing of Pasco, "The Royal City of the Mines", Gonzalo Cristóbal, Secretary of Defense for the Volcan Mine Workers Federation has stated about the firings: "Of those directly contracted by the company we are talking about an average of about 200 workers. Of those from the specialized companies, an average of 2000 workers will no longer be offering their services to Volcan because the company has rescinded it's contract with the contracting companies"[xiii].

Volcan has cancelled half of it's contracts with the 64 companies that it does business with. In turn this has suspended the exploitation of the strip mines that corrode the city of Cerro de Pasco and the explorations to expand it[xiv]. The contraction in the mining activity of Volcan can be seen since the third trimester of 2008, when the company reported net earnings of $35 million, 66% less than in the same period of 2007[xv].

According to the Mining Federation, the corporations with the most layoffs are Yanacocha (800 people), Sider- Perú (600), Doe Run at the Cobriza mine (457), Minera Rosaura-Quenuales (370), Cerro Verde (300), the Huallanca company in the Pucarrajo mine in the Department of Áncash (246) and Pan American Silver's Perú-Argentum in the province of Yauli, Department of Junín(200)[xvi].

Nothing to See Here Folks

Victor Andrés Belaunde, Director of Institutional Issues for the mining company Doe Run issued the statement: "There are contractors whose contracts expired on December 31st and due to the new economic situation there services are no longer necessary… there haven't been any layoffs of personnel on our part… the company, on the contrary, has as one of it's current priorities the adoption of measures to defend the employment of our 3,700 workers(85% of the labor force)"[xvii].

The list put together by the Mining Federation includes 65 dismissed workers from the company Minas Buenaventura. According to Carlos Gálvez, Director of Finance for Buenaventura: "The case of (the mine) Uchucchacua is not related to the deceleration of the world economy. Simply put, 13 contracted people have finished their contracts. In the case of (the mine) Antapite 65 people were cut back and not at the will of any world crisis, rather at that of the communities opposing our continued exploration of the area"[xviii].

Another emblematic case is that of Aceros Arequipa, a company which at the end of 2008 suddenly and without apparent reason decided to award massive vacations to 1,500 of it's workers. In spite of persistent rumors of an overstock due to weak world demand, Luis Otárola, Aceros Arequipa's head Personnel Administrator at their plant in Pisco, insisted: "There hasn't been any type of reduction in personnel… we have only had one plant shut down in the month of December for a maintenance issue. We have since restarted normal activity as of January 12th. At the moment, all of our production is normal"[xix].

But...Now the Part's Over

They've flicked on the lights and as the intoxication of the macroeconomic boom turns into a terrible hangover, the root problems begin to twinkle in the distance. In 1993 there were 33,000 workers directly contracted by the mining enterprises and by 2006 this number had jumped to only 38,000. However, in the same time period and, in particular, at the zenith of metal prices, the number of workers contracted through labor intermediation skyrocketed from 9,500 to 72,000[xx].

"In times of crisis you can see how the diffusion of seasonal labor damages the wellbeing of the population. They are precarious working conditions and the effects are more negative today under the current labor regime. There is a lack of foresight of the Labor Minister and of the laws, in a country whose governor should defend the rights of the workers and the wellbeing of the population and in broad terms he isn't doing it", stressed Limberg Chero, Economist for the Labor Program of Development.

These days the initiatives to change the state of affairs in the labor legislation and attend to the most urgent demands of the miners are completely stuck. For eight years debate over the general law of labor has carried on in the National Labor Council, and the debate should continue onto Congress. In Parliament there are bills relating to retirement for miners and profit sharing for workers that are also awaiting debate.

Luis Castillo, Secretary General of the Mining Federation, has indicated that amongst their principal demands are the reinstatement of all of the workers laid off since November of 2008, Congressional approval of bills involving the mining sector and the establishment of negotiation mechanisms between the mining companies and it's work force in order to put an end to the reductions in personnel.

The Vice Minister of Labor, Augusto Eguiguren, considers "unfeasible" the reinstatement of workers whose contracts have not been renewed[xxi]. While the ghost of unemployment materializes to haunt Perú, Eguiguren highlights the urgency of implementing, as soon as possible, a restructuring plan that would reposition the unemployed from one sector into other more dynamic activities within the economy, like construction. Nevertheless he went on to warn: "If the government does not create a strong program in which companies invest more, produce more and in which the people who have been left without work can obtain work or "restructure themselves", then we will have to cry"[xxii].

In a country where large investment projects take an average of five years to be approved[xxiii], the red tape science should yield to the adverse international situation that is already slamming Perú. Procedural bureaucracy is commonplace within the public administration of Perú. There are two bargaining tables from which to resolve the demands of the mining sector, one pertains to the Labor Minister and the other belongs to the President of the Cabinet; there is also a multi-sector anti-crisis commission of the executive branch and another in the Parliament. Until now, they have not made any advances towards the implementation of concrete solutions.

There's Enough Crisis for All of Us

Given the interconnections of globalization, the growing unemployment in the mining sector is not the story of an isolated phenomenon. Many mining companies throughout the world are shutting down their operations and cutting back their crews, slowed even more by the sudden crashing of the construction boom in China. You can see the same thing happening in South Africa, Australia, Canada, Russia and throughout Latin America[xxiv].

In Colombia, production has ceased in the carbon mines of Samacá, and the metalworkers of Boyacá are cutting costs and employees[xxv]. In Venezuela, workers in the aluminum sector are organizing themselves in response to layoffs[xxvi].

At the beginning of the year, the third leading producer of aluminum in the world, the mining company Alcoa, announced that during the first trimester of 2009 they will eliminate 13,500 jobs- 13% of their workforce-, decrease production and close various plants as part of their anti-crisis plan[xxvii].

In Bolivia, the subsidiary, Sinchi Wayra, of the transnational corporation Glencore, as well as other mining companies in the country, have made cutbacks to it's labor force. The Union Federation of Bolivian Mine Workers initiated a strike during the first fifteen days of January 2009[xxviii]. The subsidiary companies of Glencore in Perú, Los Quenuales and Perubar, have also made substantial slashes in personnel.

Is Peru Progressing?

The more that the government of Alan García assures that his country is "shielded" from the economic recession of the world, the reality is that mining activity is decelerating, side by side with the agricultural export and textile sectors. As of today, 21 mining projects have been suspended, 22 have been curtailed and 11 have been halted[xxix].

The great crash of 1929 brought dusk upon the original age of prosperity in Perú. The "new Perú" and it's architect, Augusto B. Leguía, had reached their end. This lesson in history proves that one of the most susceptible sectors in a crisis of unemployment is the mining industry: less than half of the 32,321 workers employed in 1929 still had work by 1932 (14,197)[xxx].

The speed with which unemployment is infecting the mining workforce will spark another national strike, likely in March. As it stands that mining is not the only industry affected, Peru will suffer the consequent spasms of discontent spread wide throughout various sectors of society. As the world crisis intensifies, there appears to exist only a delicate line between an emerging economy and an economy in emergency.



[i] Datos de la Federación Nacional de Trabajadores Mineros, Metalúrgicos y Siderúrgicos del Perú (FNTMMSP), 27.01.2009.
[ii]  "MEF: Precios de Minerales seguirían altos por 15 años", Diario Gestión, 20.11.2007.
[iii] Infomine.
[iv] Infomine.
[v] Louis Uchitelle, "Jobless Rate Hits 7.2%, a 16-Year High", The New York Times, 9.01.2009.
[vi] Mariela Balbi, "SNI calcula que cerca de 300 mil peruanos perderán su empleo el próximo año", El Comercio [Perú],  14.12.2008.
[vii] Luis Castillo, secretario general de la Federación Minera, en entrevista realizada el 14.01.2009.
[viii] Entrevista realizada el 14.01.2009.
[ix] Entrevista realizada el 16.01.2009.
[x] Hugo Palomino Glener, "Perú: Exportación de minerales en el 2009", La Industria, 23.01.2009.
[xi] Limberg Chero, economista de PLADES, en entrevista realizada el 16.01.2009.
[xii] Entrevista realizada el 16.01.2009.
[xiii] Entrevista realizada el 21.01.2009.
[xiv] Raúl Mayo, "La minera Volcan paraliza explotación a tajo abierto en Pasco", El Comercio [Perú], 6.01.2009.
[xv] "Volcan Reports Earnings Results for the Third Quarter of 2008- Key developments for Volcan Compania Minera SA (VOL_PB)", Business Week, 30.10.2008.
[xvi] "Relación de trabajadores despedidos arbitrariamente en el sector minero a nivel nacional 2008-2009", Federación Nacional de Trabajadores Mineros, Metalúrgicos y Siderúrgicos del Perú (FNTMMSP), 14.01.2008.
[xvii] Entrevista realizada el 21.01.2009.
[xviii] Entrevista realizada el 23.01.2009.
[xix] Entrevista realizada el 23.01.2009.
[xx] Armando Mendoza, "Minería y creación de empleo: Luces y sombras", Actualidad Económica, Setiembre 2007.
[xxi] Entrevista realizada el 19.01.2009.
[xxii] Ibídem. 
[xxiii] "Proyectos de inversión pasan 5 años en trámites", El Comercio [Perú],  23.01.2009.
[xxiv] Patrick Barta (en Bangkok), Andrew Batson (en Pekín) y Robert Guy Matthews (en Washington), "Las mineras pasan en meses del auge al repliegue más abrupto de su historia", The Wall Street Journal Americas en La Nación [Argentina], 17.11.2008.
[xxv] "Crisis mundial comienza a afectar los renglones de la economía de Boyacá", El Tiempo [Colombia], 8.01.2009.
[xxvi] "Sindicatos del aluminio prometen responder en tiempos de 'crisis'", Correo del Caroní, 9.01. 2009.
[xxvii] "Por la crisis, la minera Alcoa recortará 13% de su personal", La Nación [Argentina], 01.01.2009.
[xxviii] Eduardo García, "Mineros en Bolivia planean huelga viernes por despidos", Reuters, 8.01.2009.
[xxix] Balbi, op. Cit. 
[xxx] Carmen Rosa Balbi, del Extracto Estadístico del Ministerio de Hacienda en El Partido Comunista y el APRA, G. Herrera Editores, Lima: 1980, p. 27.

miércoles, 18 de marzo de 2009

'Grau, 1878 Crimen Perfecto'

Presentan en el Congreso libro póstumo de Guillermo Thorndike

  • Presentación de libro póstumo de Guillermo Thorndike, en el Legislativo. Foto: ANDINA /CDR
  • Lima, mar. 17 (ANDINA).- En ceremonia encabezada por el primer vicepresidente Alejandro Aguinaga (GPF), el Congreso de la República presentó el libro 'Grau, 1878 Crimen Perfecto', del fallecido periodista Guillermo Thorndike, quinto tomo de la colección Grau que narra la vida del héroe naval y gran personaje de nuestra historia.


    El acto contó con la presencia de Rosario del Campo viuda de Thorndike, Mertxel Thorndike del Campo (hija de Guillermo); el presidente del directorio del Banco de Crédito del Perú (BCP), Dionisio Romero; el sacerdote Armando Nieto, el periodista José María Salcedo y Marco Martos, presidente de la Academia de Historia.

    Durante su discurso, el primer vicepresidente del Congreso destacó la obra de Thorndike, pues se trata de un trabajo de investigación que le permitió hacer un relato fiel a lo acontecido y que se hace realidad gracias al apoyo del Fondo Editorial del Congreso y el BCP.

    "Gracias a Guillermo Thorndike hoy tenemos ante nosotros el cuerpo de sentimiento, acciones e ideas que conformaron el temple vital de Miguel Grau Seminario descrito en el marco de la vida política y la vida cotidiana del Perú del siglo XX", refirió Aguinaga Recuenco.

    'Grau, 1878 Crimen Perfecto' hace referencia directa al asesinato ocurrido ese año de Manuel Pardo, primer presidente civil del Perú y presidente del Senado. El libro está gobernado por el figura de este último y obtiene gran parte de su dinámica narrativa de las tensiones entre sus partidarios civilistas y los del nuevo presidente Manuel Ignacio Prado, agrupados en el Partido Nacional


    (FIN) NMC/RRR

lunes, 9 de marzo de 2009

Los ejércitos de América del Sur se unen para colaborar por primera vez

El primer organismo de Unasur, el Consejo de Defensa, se constituye hoy en Chile

JAVIER LAFUENTE - Madrid - 08/03/2009

Marzo de 2008. El Ejército de Colombia asesta el golpe más duro hasta entonces a las Fuerzas Armadas Revolucionarias Colombianas (FARC) al matar a su número dos, Raúl Reyes. La operación, realizada en territorio ecuatoriano, desata una crisis diplomática a tres bandas -Colombia, Venezuela y Ecuador- por la forma de proceder del Ejército de Álvaro Uribe. A unos cuantos miles de kilómetros al sur, un gran estratega geopolítico, Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva, presidente de Brasil, toma buena nota del asunto. Piensa que del conflicto puede surgir una iniciativa común de defensa. Sabe que es el único que puede lograrlo. Un año después, nace el Consejo de Defensa Suramericano.

El nuevo organismo militar, que se constituirá entre hoy y mañana en Santiago de Chile, se concibe como un mecanismo de integración, diálogo y cooperación en materia de defensa de los 12 países que componen la Unión de Naciones Suramericanas (Unasur). Será la primera vez que los responsables políticos de las Fuerzas Armadas del Cono Sur se sienten a hablar periódicamente. La presidencia del organismo será temporal, al igual que la de Unasur. Están previstas una reunión anual de los ministros de Defensa y dos de los viceministros. "Hasta ahora siempre se ha negociado bilateralmente; el Consejo abarcará asuntos de manera multilateral", explica en conversación telefónica el ministro de Defensa de Chile, José Goñi.

Unasur no pretende crear una fuerza armada de corte clásico, al estilo de la OTAN. En una parte de la región donde los nacionalismos son tan fuertes y los roces fronterizos tan habituales, sería inviable. Haber superado esos inconvenientes, sin embargo, es uno de los motivos que más entusiasmo han generado, según analistas militares que han seguido de cerca el proceso de gestación del consejo.

Perfilar un "plan de acción"

Con esta iniciativa se pretende acabar con algo tan arriesgado y complejo como las tentativas de conflicto, minimizar cualquier fricción entre los países de América del Sur. Hay quien considera que a través de este organismo se puede llegar a perfilar una política de defensa y seguridad conjunta. Hasta lograrlo habrá que seguir una hoja de ruta, un "plan de acción", según el ministro chileno, que se perfilará estos días en Santiago. Reforzar la cooperación militar, coordinar misiones humanitarias y operaciones de paz e incluso la futura creación de un instituto de defensa en Sudamérica son algunos de los objetivos. La lucha contra el narcotráfico no está ni estará en la agenda, a menos a corto plazo. "Buscamos la convergencia de intereses. Para algunos países es un tema policial, no militar; no queremos que haya injerencias en la manera de actuar", justifica Goñi.

Aún así, será una tarea harto complicada. Analistas militares que han asesorado a algunos de los países del nuevo organismo dan fe de que ha sido un año de intensas negociaciones, donde las cancillerías han jugado también un papel clave. No todo el mundo tenía la misma visión de seguridad y estrategia: Venezuela, por ejemplo, cuenta con un perfil militar mucho más acentuado que el de Brasil, a pesar de que cuente con uno de los ejércitos más poderosos de América Latina.

Uno de los asuntos que más controversia generó fue la vuelta a las aguas latinoamericanas, en julio del año pasado, de la IV Flota de Estados Unidos después de 58 años de inactividad. Venezuela lo considera una amenaza. Más allá de reconocer cierta preocupación -ningún país avaló los argumentos de EE UU- nadie quiso confrontarse con el gran gigante norteamericano.

"Nos cuesta mucho operar"

Aunque es pronto aún para ver si esta iniciativa se estanca y queda en el olvido, como tantas otras que han surgido en América Latina, lo cierto es que el Consejo se ha ganado el voto de confianza de muchos expertos. La principal duda que genera es comprobar si es gobernable un organismo en el que estén implicados 12 ejércitos. La percepción de los analistas es que si no se generan rápido proyectos concretos puede quedarse en nada. "Nos cuesta mucho operar, no hay mucha coordinación entre los países. Además, si uno no tiene instituciones fuertes en su país es más complicado tenerlas en la región", asegura Fabián Calle, investigador del Consejo Argentino para las Relaciones Internacionales (CARI).

Con el tiempo también se despejará la duda de por qué Brasil decidió impulsar un organismo que le ha obligado a encabezar una gran campaña diplomática para lograr en un año el sí de países tan antagónicos como la Colombia de Álvaro Uribe o la Bolivia de Evo Morales. En el meollo del asunto está, según algunos analistas, conseguir su tan añorado asiento permanente en el Consejo de Seguridad de la ONU. Más allá de las hipótesis, lo que está claro es que el Consejo de Defensa Suramericano es otro golpe de mano del presidente que un día dijo: "Suramérica tiene capacidad para mover el tablero político de todo el mundo en beneficio de nuestras naciones".

Un 91% más de gasto militar

Entre los objetivos, y a la sazón quebradero de cabeza, que se han marcado los 12 Gobiernos del Consejo de Defensa Suramericano, está la creación de un método de medición del gasto militar común. En el periodo 2003-2008, el desembolso en defensa en América Latina y el Caribe aumentó un 91%, según los últimos datos del Instituto Internacional de Estudios Estratégicos (IISS). En 2008, se gastaron 47.200 millones de dólares (38.659 millones de euros) frente a 24.700 millones de dólares (19.500 millones de euros) en 2003.

Los países suramericanos, los que más han reforzado su arsenal, rechazan que se trate de un rearme y lo justifican como una modernización de su material. Aunque esto es en parte cierto, no excluye que el aumento del gasto se realice por la percepción de que existen riesgos en la región, bien por los conflictos existentes o por las compras de armamento de los países vecinos.

Evaluar la capacidad de cada país es complicada, puesto que cada uno tiene su metodología, e incluso hay gastos que no están presupuestados. Aun así, hay dos ejemplos ilustrativos: en 2008 el Ejército colombiano se gastó 5.500 millones de dólares (unos 4.340 millones de euros), un 13,5% más que en 2007. Las compras de material armamentístico del Gobierno venezolano a Rusia, Bielorrusia, China y España han sobrepasado ya los 6.700 millones de dólares (unos 5.286 euros).

Argentina y Chile aplican desde 2002 un método de medición estandarizado. Sin embargo, mientras que en el primero la situación militar es precaria, en Chile ha triunfado el doble discurso de las Fuerzas Armadas: por un lado, aseguran que las tensiones vecinales son peligrosas, por tanto, hay que comprar armamento; por otro, recalcan que no hay una carrera armamentista, así no se bloquean las compras